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Assess
the relationship between social class
and crime
By
A. Swaby-Burton, Contributor
THE
ABOVE question will be answered in
this issue. I do hope you will find
it useful to your understanding of
social order, social control and deviance.
Some
sociological theories of crime are
based, in part, on official statistics
provided by the police, the courts,
and various government departments.
Such statistics provide evidence of
the extent of crime and information
about the social characteristics of
the criminal. A misrepresentation
of this data, that crime is largely
a working class phenomenon, may be
due to the selective application of
the law, according to W.J. Chambliss
and M. Mankoff in "Whose Law"
What Order?" (1976). There is
increasing evidence to suggest that
there is a systematic bias in favour
of the ruling class. In general, if
an individual has committed a criminal
act, then the higher he or she is
in the stratification system the less
likely he is to be arrested, if arrested
to be prosecuted, if prosecuted to
be found guilty, and if found guilty
to be imprisoned. If this is so, then
the assumption that crime is largely
a working class phenomenon may be
incorrect - so is there really any
relationship between social class
and crime.
'CHAMBLISS'
THEORY
Chambliss
argues that crime occurs throughout
all social strata. The major differences
between the strata may be the types
of crimes committed and the nature
of law enforcement. He claims that
power in the form of 'money to influence'
is the key factor which determines
who gets arrested and who does not.
In one of his works Chambliss pointed
out that those who operate organised
crime are not members of the true
'criminal class', they belong to the
economic and political elite! Also,
it is not only the small minority
of active syndicate members within
the ruling class who profit from crime
interests will not be penalised; those
that do will not be subject to legal
sanctions.
Marxists,
such as Chambliss and Mankoff, see
crime as a natural product of capitalist
society.
Both
argue that the capital economic system
generates greed, self-interest and
hostility which motivates many crimes
in all levels of society. Members
of all strata use whatever means and
opportunities their class position
provides to commit crime. Thus, in
low income areas the mugger, the pusher,
and the prostitute use what they have
to get what they can. In higher income
brackets, businessmen, lawyers and
politicians have more effective means
at their disposal.
SPECIFIC
CRIMES, SPECIFIC CLASSES?
In
a competitive society people need
to look after themselves in order
to survive. D. Gordon in 'Class and
the Economics of Crime' (1976) argues
that crime is a rational phenomenon.
He also stated that the selective
enforcement of the law serves to maintain
ruling class power, to reinforce ruling
class ideology, it gives the impression
that criminals are mainly located
in the working class. This serves
to divert attention from ruling class
crime. It can also direct a part of
the frustration and hostility produced
by this situation onto the criminals
within their own class. Additionally,
it diverts the attention of members
of the subject class from their exploitation
and oppression. It directs a part
of the frustration and hostility produced
by this situation onto the criminals
within their own class. It also serves
to divide the subject class, particularly
in low-income areas, where there is
a tendency for people to see their
enemies as criminals within the their
own class.
Study
of crime may show that sympathies
tend to lie with the criminals. For
the Marxists, their political views
result in condemnation of ruling class
crime and a sympathetic treatment
of the crimes of the subject class.
A.
W. Gouldner in 'The Coming, Crisis
in Western Sociology' (1971) claims
that interactionists have a romantic
identification with the more exotic
criminals. This identification by
largely middle class sociologists
(claims Gouldner) with the 'underworld'
colours their choice of research subjects,
their perspectives and their conclusion.
Accordingly, functionalists, for example
R.K. Merton 'Social Theory and Social
Structure' (1968) have been accused
of bland liberalism. Merton's work
is based on criticisms and reforms
rather than condemnation and radical
change. This may well have prevented
him from questioning the system itself.
As Taylor suggested in 'Deviance and
Society' (1971) questions like "who
made the rules in the first place?"
are important.
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